|
FAC News -
Friday, September 20, 2002 8:59 AM
LETTER
TO FOREIGN MISSIONS, FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS, INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL
ORGANISATIONS, BAR COUNCILS, AND HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS
Dear Sir/Madam,
We would like
to provide you with our views on recent developments in Malaysia
concerning our fight to repeal the Internal Security Act (ISA) and
provide for greater freedom and justice in our country.
The ISA was
enacted in 1960 to combat the Communist insurgency in Malaysia
and deal with the Communist terrorists who were killing government
officials and plantation workers and bombing police stations. When
the Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister at that time, Tun Abdul
Razak Hussein, tabled this legislation in Parliament, he assured
the nation that the ISA would only be used
against the Communist terrorists in order to combat and defeat the
insurgency -- and for no other purpose.
Even though
Malaysia’s
war against the Communist insurgency ended long ago, the ISA remains
on the books as an instrument of state power. But today the Government
does not use the ISA to combat the Communist insurgency – a war
that ended years ago – it uses the ISA to stifle legitimate, peaceful
dissent against the political party in power.
In April 2001,
ten National Justice Party (Keadilan) leaders and political activists
linked to the Reformasi Movement in Malaysia were arrested and detained
under the ISA, based solely on the Government’s incredible claim
that they were involved in a plot to topple the government through
violent, militant means. The ten were accused of conspiring to bring
in guns, bombs, and grenade launchers to accomplish their purpose.
These allegations
were just that – allegations. The Government offered no evidence
whatsoever to back up its claims, as arrest and detention under
the ISA requires no evidence. A mere “reason to believe” that one
is “a threat to national security” is sufficient enough grounds
for arrest and detention under the ISA. Demonstrating the arrogance
of power, the Government said that it does not need to prove anything.
The ten then
took their case to court and filed writs of habeas corpus.
Two of them filed their writs with the Shah Alam High Court, which
immediately released them on the grounds that their arrests were
done in bad faith (mala fide)
and that there was no evidence they were indeed a threat to national
security. The Shah Alam court said that their detention was illegal
and violated Malaysia’s
Constitution.
The Shah Alam
High Court went on to say that the ISA was an outdated law, enacted
specifically to combat Communist terrorism, and that it was time
the law was repealed. The Court also took the police to task for
violating the Constitution and the fundamental right of the detainees
by denying them access to legal counsel and not informing them of
the reasons for their arrest.
Five other
detainees, the so-called ISA-5, filed their writs of habeas corpus
in another court, but that judge ignored the decision of the Shah
Alam court and ruled against them. The judge in this case was the
same person who presided over the first trial of former Deputy Prime
Minister Anwar Ibrahim, a trial whose conduct was condemned widely
by bar councils, governments, and human rights organisations around
the world. The five detainees appealed this decision, first to the
Appeals Court,
and finally to the supreme court in the land, the Federal Court.
After considering
the case for half-a-year, on 6 September 2002 the Federal Court ruled
that the arrests and detentions of the ISA-5 were illegal and violated
the Constitution. The Court ruled also that the arrests were made
in bad faith and that the police had failed to offer any proof that
the detainees were threats to national security or involved in any
criminal plots. The court then ordered their immediate and unconditional
release.
But despite
the Court’s decision, the detainees still have not been released!
This is due
to a legal technicality that the Government can easily correct in
the interest of justice. When the ISA-5 filed their writs of habeas
corpus, it was to overturn their original arrests under Section
73 of the Internal Security Act, which allows for detention up to
60 days. In theory, during this period, the police interrogate the
prisoners to develop further information about their crime. (However,
the five detainees have said that when the police interrogated them,
the investigators never asked about weapons or the alleged plot
to overthrow the government. Instead, the police pumped them for
political intelligence on what the opposition party, Keadilan, was
doing and how it is organized.)
After the initial
60-day detention period under Section 73, the Government’s Home
Minister can order that the persons be “further detained” under
Section 8 of ISA. If Section 8 is utilized, the assumption is that
the police have developed sufficient information to justify further
detention. While the police have the authority to arrest and detain
under Section 73, it is the Home Minister -- in this case, Deputy
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi -- who makes the decision under
Section 8 to keep those who are deemed “threats to national security”
in prison for two years, based upon the information that the police
provides him.
The Federal
Court, however, said that while the arrest and 60-day detention
under Section 73 had no legal basis, it could not rule on the subsequent
two-year detention order under Section 8 because the detainees had
never filed a writ of habeas corpus to cover that action. This is
a legal technicality at best and judicial cowardice at worst. It
appears the Federal Court did not want to challenge the Government
by declaring the Home Minister’s two-year detention order illegal
and ordering the detainees’ release from prison.
For their part,
the detainees never filed a writ of habeas corpus against
their two-year detention under Section 8, because logic dictates
that if the initial arrest under Section 73 is illegal, then everything
that follows from that action also is illegal. That is common sense
and common law. It is an easy and logical conclusion to make. Since
the original arrest is illegal and unsubstantiated by evidence,
then by definition the Home Minister’s detention order also is illegal
and unsubstantiated by evidence. Either the Home Minister was misinformed
and misled by the police when they recommended further detention,
or the Home Minister also acted in bad faith by ordering the detentions
in the absence of any proof of wrong-doing.
The government
currently has three choices. It currently is hiding behind this
legal technicality and refuses to release the ISA detainees. In
effect, it says that if the detainees want to be free, then they
should file a second writ of habeas corpus to challenge their
detention by the Home Minister. This is legal harassment by the
government, whose sole purpose is to keep the detainees locked up
in prison for as long as possible. In the end, the Federal Court
will have no choice but to declare the detention by the Home Minister
illegal. Not to do so would fly in the face of every legal principle
in Malaysia
-- and indeed in all countries whose legal system is based on British
common law.
The second
option is far more ominous and has been hinted at by Deputy Home Minister
Zainal Abidin Zin who told relatives of
the detainees, “We may abide
by the court’s decision but the police can take other actions, like
arrest them again when they are released.” Such an action would
be nothing short of contempt of court and once again demonstrates
that the Government has no respect for the law. For the past 18
months, the Government has not been able to develop any evidence
to back up its claims, and re-arresting the detainees will not change
this. The Government still will have no evidence, because none exists.
The Government’s claims will be just as false as before, and the
arrests will be just as illegal.
The
third option is the obvious one – and also the one that brings justice
and freedom to the ISA detainees in the swiftest manner. As Home
Minister, Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi should simply
undo the wrong that has been done. He should sign a second order
releasing them from their detention.
This
position is supported unanimously by Malaysia’s opposition parties and human rights groups, as well as
by Suhakam, the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia, and the Malaysian
Bar Council. The Chairman of the Malaysian Bar Council, Mah Weng Kwai,
has said that “a speedy, unilateral decision to release [the
detainees] by the government following the decision of the Federal
Court is not only the legally proper course of action, but also
necessary to demonstrate the government’s continued commitment to
the rule of law in this country.”
We
ask you to join us in urging the Malaysian Government, and
specifically the Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, to end
this illegal detention and release the detainees immediately.
Now is the
time for all who believe in freedom and human rights to stand up
for justice and make their views known.
Yours truly,
Datin Seri
Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
President,
National Justice Party (Keadilan)
|